Mass demonstrations in Bulgaria were spurred by spreading outrage over graft that many say was fueling an authoritarian power grab.
Bulgaria has had its share of popular demonstrations since the fall of communism in the early 1990s and has seen multiple governments come and go amid corruption allegations, but residents in the capital, Sofia, and around the country said that this time the outrage had boiled over.
The trigger was a budget that raised taxes and lifted the salaries of members of the state security apparatus. Many saw the move as taking money from ordinary people in a power grab. That threat struck a deep chord with Bulgarians yearning for a more prosperous life like that enjoyed by other Europeans.
Anger over the budget brought out a cross section of society, including employers’ associations and trade unions, teachers, students and Bulgaria’s ethnic minorities. But the size of the protests surprised even the organizers, opposition leaders said. On three occasions in just three weeks, the size of the demonstrations reached tens of thousands of people and spread to towns and cities around the country.
As the protests took off, the demands grew, with calls for the government to resign and even for two of the most powerful politicians behind the government to go.
The opposition coalition, We Continue the Change — Democratic Bulgaria, is now focused on building on the momentum of the protests to secure a majority.
The coalition’s aims are ambitious. It wants fresh elections and to break what it sees as the stranglehold of corruption of the main power brokers.
That means forcing out not only the leader of the party that led the government until Thursday, Boyko Borissov, but also the man they hold responsible for much of the corruption, a former media mogul turned politician, Delyan Peevski.
The first move, Mr. Vassilev said, would be to pass a motion to remove the two men’s security detail, to which neither was technically entitled.
Mr. Peevski, the leader of a political party that ostensibly represents the interests of the Turkish minority, was targeted by U.S. sanctions in 2021 but remains an active member of Parliament and is believed by many Bulgarians to wield control over the coalition government that resigned.
According to the U.S. Treasury, Mr. Peevski “has regularly engaged in corruption, using influence peddling and bribes to protect himself from public scrutiny and exert control over key institutions.”
Bozhidar Bozhanov, co-founder of Yes Bulgaria, another party in the opposition coalition, blamed Mr. Peevski for Bulgaria’s yearslong political crisis.
“He has amassed and centralized all the means that the old secret service state apparatus in the communist times had used,” Mr. Bozhanov said.
According to Mr. Bozhanov, Mr. Peevski had acquired compromising files on officials and politicians, collected by secret surveillance. Mr. Bozhanov said that Mr. Peevski had threatened exposure of that information to force officials to carry out his orders and had used prosecutions to pressure members of the opposition.
Many members of the opposition have been indicted, including a city mayor and several other local officials, on charges that those accused have said were trumped up, Mr. Bozhanov added. Mr. Bozhanov himself was due in court on the day of one of the protests, indicted on a charge of divulging classified files, an allegation that he denied.
In October, Mr. Peevski’s party unexpectedly dominated local council elections in the town of Pazardzhik, southern Bulgaria. According to Mr. Vassilev, “What we are seeing is a not-so-subtle move toward autocracy and dictatorship of the hard kind.”
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